The Costs of American
Privilege
by
MICHAEL SCHWALBE, October 2002
When
it comes to knowledge of the U.S. government, foreign students often put
American students to shame. Many
of the American students in my classes don’t know how Congress is
organized, what cabinet members do, or how governmental powers are divided among the executive,
judicial, and legislative branches. The foreign students who have shown up in my classrooms
over the years tend to know about these matters and more.
But this
level of ignorance is not so amazing, really. It’s a predictable
consequence of privilege. Like white privilege and male privilege in our
society, American privilege brings with it the luxury of obliviousness.
Privilege
comes from membership in a dominant group and is typically invisible to
those who have it. Many whites do not
see themselves as enjoying “white privilege”, yet as Peggy
McIntosh has pointed out, there are dozens of ways that
whites are privileged in U.S. society.
For example,
whites can live anywhere they can afford to, without being limited by
racial segregation; whites can
assume that race won’t be used to decide whether they will fit
in at work; whites who complain usually end up speaking
to the white person in charge; whites can choose to ignore their
racial identity and think of themselves as human beings; and, in most
situations, whites can expect to be treated as individuals, not as
members of a category.
Men likewise
enjoy privileges as members of the dominant gender group. For example,
men can walk the streets without being sexually harassed; men can make
mistakes without those mistakes being attributed to their gender; men
can count on their gender to enhance their credibility; men can expect
to find powerful sponsors with whom they can bond as men; and, even in
female-dominated occupations, men benefit from being seen as better
suited to higher-paying, administrative jobs.
Whites and
men tend not to see these privileges because they are taken to be
normal, unremarkable entitlements.
This is how things appear to members of a dominant group.
What’s
missing is an awareness that life is different for others. Not having to
think about the experiences of people in subordinate groups is another
form of privilege.
In contrast,
women and people of color usually see that those above them in the
social hierarchy receive unearned benefits. At the least, they must, for
their own protection, pay attention to what members of more powerful
groups think and do. This is why women often know more about men than
men know about themselves, and why blacks know more about whites than
whites know about themselves.
It is no
surprise, then, that foreign students, especially those from Third World
countries, often know more about the U.S. than most American students
do. People in those countries must, as a matter of survival, pay
attention to what the U.S. does. There is no equally compelling need for
Americans to study what happens in the provinces. And so again the
irony: people in Third World countries often know more about the U.S.
than many Americans do.
We can thus
put these at the top of the list of American privileges: not having to
bother, unless one chooses, to learn about other countries; and not
having to bother, unless one chooses, to learn about how U.S. foreign
policy affects people in other countries. A corollary privilege is to
imagine that if people in other countries study us, it’s merely out of
admiration for our way of life. The list of American privileges
can be extended. For example, Americans can buy cheap goods made by
superexploited workers in Third World countries; Americans can take a
glib attitude toward war, since it’s likely to be a high-tech affair
affecting distant strangers; and Americans can enjoy freedom at home,
because U.S. capitalists are able to wring extraordinary profits out of
Third World workers and therefore don’t need to repress U.S. workers
as harshly.
But
privileges are not without costs. Most obviously there is the cost of
ignorance about others. This carries with it the cost of ignorance about
ourselves. One thing
we don’t learn, when we refuse to learn about or from others, is how
they see us. We then lose a mirror with which to view ourselves.
Combined with power, the result can be worse than innocent ignorance. It
can be smug self-delusion, belief in the myth of one’s own
superiority, and a presumed right to dictate morality to others.
We also bear the cost of limiting
our own humanity. To be human is to be able to extend compassion to
others, to empathize with them, and to reflect honestly on how they are
affected by our actions. Privilege keeps us from doing these things and
thereby stunts our growth as human beings.
The ignorance
that stems from privilege makes Americans easy to mislead when it comes
to war. Being told that they are “fighting for freedom”, and knowing
no better, thousands of American sons and daughters will dutifully kill
and die. The ugly truth that they are fighting for the freedom of U.S.
capitalists to exploit the natural resources and labor of weaker
countries is rarely perceived through the vacuum of knowledge created by
American privilege.
But of course
it is the people in those weaker countries who bear the greatest costs
of American privilege. In war, they will suffer and die in far greater
numbers. In peace, or times of less-violent exploitation, their
suffering will continue and once again become invisible to citizens
living at the core of the empire.
There are
positive aspects of American privilege, and from these we can take hope.
Most of us enjoy freedom from repression in our daily lives, and we
value our rights to associate and to speak out. Perhaps, then, we can
appreciate the anger created when U.S. foreign policy denies other
people these same rights. Perhaps, too, we can use our freedoms to more
fully fight such injustices. If so, then our privileges as Americans
will be put to noble and humane use.
If Americans
are often afflicted with ignorance and moral blindness when it comes to
the rest of the world, this is not a failing of individuals. These
problems result from a system of domination that confers privilege. And
so we can’t make things right simply by declining privilege. In the
long run, we have to dismantle the system that gives it to us.
Michael
Schwalbe teaches sociology at North Carolina State
University.
He can be reached at: MLSchwalbe@nc.rr.com.